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Part I
Part I
On Thursday, the sixth of February, in the year 1595, we departed
England, and the Sunday following had sight of the north cape of Spain, the
wind for the most part continuing prosperous; we passed in sight of the
Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for the Canaries, and fell with
Fuerteventura the 17. of the same month, where we spent two or three days, and
relieved our companies with some fresh meat. From thence we coasted by the
Grand Canaria, and so to Teneriffe, and stayed there for the Lion`s Whelp,
your Lordship`s ship, and for Captain Amyas Preston and the rest. But when
after seven or eight days we found them not, we departed and directed our
course for Trinidad, with mine own ship, and a small barque of Captain Cross`
only; for we had before lost sight of a small galego on the coast of Spain,
which came with us from Plymouth. We arrived at Trinidad the 22. of March,
casting anchor at Point Curiapan, which the Spaniards call Punta de Gallo,
which is situate in eight degrees or thereabouts. We abode there four or five
days, and in all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or
Spaniard. On the coast we saw a fire, as we sailed from the Point Carao
towards Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards none durst come to speak with
us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and landed in every
cove, the better to know the island, while the ships kept the channel. From
Curiapan after a few days we turned up north-east to recover that place which
the Spaniards call Puerto de los Espanoles,^5 and the inhabitants Conquerabia;
and as before, revictualling my barge, I left the ships and kept by the shore,
the better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to
understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island, which, as it
is rudely done, my purpose is to send your Lordship after a few days. From
Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called Parico, where we found a
fresh water river, but saw no people. From thence I rowed to another port,
called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea. In the way
between both were divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river that
had store of oysters upon the branches of ehe trees, and were very salt and
well tasted. All their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on
the ground; the like is commonly seen in other places of the West Indies, and
elsewhere. This tree is described by Andrew Thevet, in his France Antarctique,
and the form figured in the book as a plant very strange; and by Pliny in his
twelfth book of his Natural History. But in this island, as also in Guiana,
there are very many of them.
[Footnote 5: Now Port of Spain.]
At this point, called Tierra de Brea or Piche, there is that abundance of
stone pitch that all the ships of the world may be therewith laden from
thence; and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent
good, and melteth not with the sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for
ships trading the south parts very profitable. From thence we went to the
mountain foot called Annaperima, and so passing the river Carone, on which the
Spanish city was seated, we met with our ships at Puerto de los Espanoles or
Conquerabia.
This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheephook, and is but narrow;
the north part is very mountainous; the soil is very excellent, and will bear
sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It hath store of
deer, wild porks, fruit, fish, and fowl; it hath also for bread sufficient
maize, cassavi, and of those roots and fruits which are common everywhere in
the West Indies. It hath divers beasts which the Indies have not; the
Spaniards confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers; but
they having a purpose to enter Guiana, the magazine of all rich metals, cared
not to spend time in the search thereof any further. This island is called by
the people thereof Cairi, and in it are divers nations. Those about Parico are
called Jajo, those at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas^6 and between Carao
and Curiapan they are called Salvajos. Between Carao and Punta de Galera are
the Nepojos, and those about the Spanish city term themselves
Carinepagotes.^7 Of the rest of the nations, and of other ports and rivers, I
leave to speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to describe
them as they are situate in the particular plot and description of the
island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better
describe it.
[Footnote 6: Arawaks.]
[Footnote 7: Carib-people.]
Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espanoles, we found at the
landing-place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent; and they
offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain Whiddon to speak with them, whom
afterwards to my great grief I left buried in the said island after my return
from Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be
desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of peace, more for doubt of
their own strength than for aught else; and in the end, upon pledge, some of
them came aboard. The same evening there stale also aboard us in a small canoa
two Indians, the one of them being a cacique or lord of the people, called
Cantyman, who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was of his
acquaintance. By this Cantyman we understood what strength the Spaniards had,
how far it was to their city, and of Don Antonio de Berreo, the governor, who
was said to be slain in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not.
While we remained at Puerto de los Espanoles some Spaniards came aboard
us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they wanted, and also
to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly and feasted
after our manner. By means whereof I learned of one and another as much of the
estate of Guiana as I could, or as they knew; for those poor soldiers having
been many years without wine, a few draughts made them merry, in which mood
they vaunted of Guiana and the riches thereof, and all what they knew of the
ways and passages; myself seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or
discovery thereof, but bred in them an opinion that I was bound only for the
relief of those English which I had planted in Virginia, whereof the bruit was
come among them; which I had performed in my return, if extremity of weather
had not forced me from the said coast.
I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. The one was to
be revenged of Berreo, who the year before, 1594, had betrayed eight of
Captain Whiddon`s men, and took them while he departed from them to seek the
Edward Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinidad the day before from the East
Indies: in whose absence Berreo sent a canoa aboard the pinnace only with
Indians and dogs inviting the company to go with them into the woods to kill a
deer. Who like wise men, in the absence of their captain followed the Indians,
but were no sooner one arquebus shot from the shore, but Berreo`s soldiers
lying in ambush had them all, notwithstanding that he had given his word to
Captain Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely. The other cause
of my stay was, for that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned more
and more of Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of
Berreo, by what means or fault he failed, and how he meant to prosecute the
same.
While we thus spent the time I was assured by another cacique of the
north side of the island, that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana for
soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado^8 at parting, if it had been
possible. For although he had given order through all the island that no
Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of hanging and
quartering (having executed two of them for the same, which I afterwards
found), yet every night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his
cruelty: how he had divided the island and given to every soldier a part; that
he made the ancient caciques, which were lords of the country, to be their
slaves; that he kept them in chains, and dropped their naked bodies with
burning bacon, and such other torments, which I found afterwards to be true.
For in the city, after I entered the same, there were five of the lords or
little kings, which they call caciques in the West Indies, in one chain,
almost dead of famine, and wasted with torments. These are called in their own
language acarewana, and now of late since English, French, and Spanish, are
come among them, they call themselves captains, because they perceive that the
chiefest of every ship is called by that name. Those five captains in the
chain were called Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and
Aterima. So as both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering
that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400 or 500 miles from my ships,
and to leave a garrison in my back interested in the same enterprise, who also
daily expected supplies out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of the
ass; and therefore taking a time of most advantage, I set upon the Corps du
garde in the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Caulfield
onwards with sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so took
their new city, which they called St. Joseph, by break of day. They abode not
any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed, but only Berreo and his
companion,^9 I brought them with me aboard, and at the instance of the Indians
I set their new city of St. Joseph on fire. The same day arrived Captain
George Gifford with your lordship`s ship, and Captain Keymis, whom I lost on
the coast of Spain, with the galego, and in them divers gentlemen and others,
which to our little army was a great comfort and supply.
[Footnote 8: Cachado (cachada) = a blow.]
[Footnote 9: The Portuguese captain Alvaro Jorge (seep. 356).]
We then hasted away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called
all the captains of the island together that were enemies to the Spaniards;
for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countries, and
planted there to eat out and waste those that were natural of the place. And
by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of England, I made them
understand that I was the servant of a queen who was the great cacique of the
north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui under her than there were trees in
that island; that she was an enemy to the Castellani in respect of their
tyranny and oppression, and that she delivered all such nations about her, as
were by them oppressed; and having freed all the coast of the northern world
from their servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the
country of Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I shewed them her
Majesty`s picture, which they so admired and honoured, as it had been easy to
have brought them idolatrous thereof. The like and a more large discourse I
made to the rest of the nations, both in my passing to Guiana and to those of
the borders, so as in that part of the world her Majesty is very famous and
admirable; whom they now call Ezrabeta cassipuna aquerewana, which is as much
as `Elizabeth, the Great Princess, or Greatest Commander.` This done, we left
Puerto de los Espanoles, and returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my
prisoner, I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knew. This Berreo is a
gentleman well descended, and had long served the Spanish king in Milan,
Naples, the Low Countries, and elsewhere, very valiant and liberal, and a
gentleman of great assuredness, and of a great heart. I used him according to
his estate and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I
had.
I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge he could of
Guiana: and the end of my journey at this time was to discover and enter the
same. But my intelligence was far from truth, for the country is situate about
600 English miles further from the sea than I was made believe it had been.
Which afterwards understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the
knowledge of my company, who else would never have been brought to attempt the
same. Of which 600 miles I passed 400, leaving my ships so far from me at
anchor in the sea, which was more of desire to perform that discovery than of
reason, especially having such poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves
in. For in the bottom of an old galego which I caused to be fashioned like a
galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the Lion`s Whelp,
we carried 100 persons and their victuals for a month in the same, being all
driven to lie in the rain and weather in the open air, in the burning sun, and
upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of
furniture in them. Wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what
with victuals being most fish, with the wet clothes of so many men thrust
together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any
prison in England that could be found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially
to myself, who had for many years before been dieted and cared for in a sort
far more differing.
If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too
late to Trinidad to have found us there (for the month was expired which I
promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover the coast of Spain) but
that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and that we had entered
the country but some ten days sooner ere the rivers were overflown, we had
adventured either to have gone to the great city of Manoa, or at least taken
so many of the other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a
royal return. But it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time. If it
shall be my lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life
therein. And if any else shall be enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I
assure him thus much; he shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by
Cortes, or in Peru by Pizarro, whereof the one conquered the empire of
Mutezuma, the other of Guascar and Atabalipa. And whatsoever prince shall
possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful
empire, and of more cities and people, than either the king of Spain or the
Great Turk.
But because there may arise many doubts, and how this empire of Guiana is
become so populous, and adorned with so many great cities, towns, temples, and
treasures, I thought good to make it known, that the emperor now reigning is
descended from those magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large territories,
of whose policies, conquests, edifices, and riches, Pedro de Cieza, Francisco
Lopez, and others have written large discourses. For when Francisco Pizarro,
Diego Almagro and others conquered the said empire of Peru, and had put to
death Atabalipa, son to Guayna Capac, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his
eldest brother Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guayna Capac
fled out of Peru, and took with him many thousands of those soldiers of the
empire called orejones,^10 and with those and many others which followed him,
he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which is situate between
the great river of Amazons and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoque and
Maranon.^11
[Footnote 10: Orejones = `having large ears,` the name given by the Spaniards
to the Peruvian warriors, who wore ear-pendants.]
[Footnote 11: Baraquan is the alternative name to Orenoque, Maranon to
Amazons.]
The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the sea, and
lieth under the equinoctial line; and it hath more abundance of gold than
any part of Peru, and as many or moe^12 great cities than ever Peru had when
it flourished most. It is governed by the same laws, and the emperor and
people observe the same religion, and the same form and policies in government
as were used in Peru, not differing in any part. And I have been assured by
such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa, the imperial city of Guiana, which
the Spaniards call El Dorado, that for the greatness, for the riches, and for
the excellent seat, it far exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much
of the world as is known to the Spanish nation. It is founded upon a lake of
salt water of 200 leagues long, like unto Mare Caspium. And if we compare it
to that of Peru, and but read the report of Francisco Lopez and others, it
will seem more than credible; and because we may judge of the one by the
other, I thought good to insert part of the 120. chapter of Lopez in his
General History of the Indies, wherein he describeth the court and
magnificence of Guayna Capac, ancestor to the emperor of Guiana, whose very
words are these:-
[Footnote 12: More.]
`Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cocina era de oro y de plata, y
cuando menos de plata y cobre, por mas recio. Tenia en su recamara estatuas
huecas de oro, que parescian gigantes, y las figuras al propio y tamano de
cuantos animales, aves, arboles, y yerbas produce la tierra, y de cuantos
peces cria la mar y agua de sus reynos. Tenia asimesmo sogas, costales,
cestas, y troxes de oro y plata; rimeros de palos de oro, que pareciesen lena
rajada para quemar. En fin no habia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuviese de
oro contrahecha; y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un verjel en una isla cerca
de la Puna, donde se iban a holgar, cuando querian mar, que tenia la
hortaliza, las flores, y arboles de oro y plata; invencion y grandeza hasta
entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto, tenia infinitisima cantidad de
plata y oro por labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar;
ca los Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los Espanoles se lo tomaban, y
enviaban a Espana.` That is, "All the vessels of his house, table, and
kitchen, were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and copper for
strength and hardness of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold
which seemed giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the
beasts, birds, trees, and herbs, that the earth bringeth forth; and of all
the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes,
budgets, chests, and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold,
that seemed wood marked out^13 to burn. Finally, there was nothing in his
country whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold. Yea, and they say, the
Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to
recreate themselves, when they would take the air of the sea, which had all
kinds of garden-herbs, flowers, and trees of gold and silver; an invention
and magnificence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite
quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco, which was lost by the death
of Guascar, for the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards took it, and
sent it into Spain.`
[Footnote 13: Rather, `split into logs.`]
And in the 117. chapter; Francisco Pizarro caused the gold and silver
of Atabalipa to be weighed after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth down in
these words following:-`Hallaron cincuenta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y
un millon y trecientos y veinte y seis mil y quinientos pesos de oro.` Which
is, `They found 52,000 marks of good silver, and 1,326,500 pesos of gold.`
Now, although these reports may seem strange, yet if we consider the many
millions which are daily brought out of Peru into Spain, we may easily believe
the same. For we find that by the abundant treasure of that country the
Spanish king vexes all the princes of Europe, and is become, in a few years,
from a poor king of Castile, the greatest monarch of this part of the world,
and likely every day to increase if other princes forslow the good occasions
offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth
all the rest. If his gold now endanger us, he will then be unresistible. Such
of the Spaniards as afterwards endeavoured the conquest thereof, whereof there
have been many, as shall be declared hereafter, thought that this Inga, of
whom this emperor now living is descended, took his way by the river of
Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene.^14 For by that way followed
Orellana, by the commandment of Gonzalo Pizarro, in the year 1542, whose name
the river also beareth this day. Which is also by others called Maranon,
although Andrew Thevet doth affirm that between Maranon and Amazons there are
120 leagues; but sure it is that those rivers have one head and beginning, and
the Maranon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons or Orellana,
of which I will speak more in another place. It was attempted by Ordas; but
it is now little less than 70 years since that Diego Ordas, a Knight of the
Order of Santiago, attempted the same; and it was in the year 1542 that
Orellana discovered the river of Amazons; but the first that ever saw Manoa
was Juan Martinez, master of the munition to Ordas. At a port called
Morequito,^15 in Guiana, there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordas his
ship. And this port is some 300 miles within the land, upon the great river
of Orenoque. I rested at this port four days, twenty days after I left the
ships at Curiapan.
[Footnote 14: The Papamene is a tributary not of the Amazon river but of the
Meta, one of the principal tributaries of the Orinoco.]
[Footnote 15: Probably San Miguel.]
The relation of this Martinez, who was the first that discovered Manoa,
his success, and end, is to be seen in the Chancery of St. Juan de Puerto
Rico, where of Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the greatest
encouragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly attempted the
discovery and conquest. Orellana, after he failed of the discovery of Guiana
by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there obtained a patent
of the king for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about the islands;
and his fleet being severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded
not. Diego Ordas followed the enterprise, and departed Spain with 600 soldiers
and thirty horse. Who, arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a
mutiny, with the most part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious
part, insomuch as his ships perished and few or none returned; neither was it
certainly known what became of the said Ordas until Berreo found the anchor of
his ship in the river of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so it is written
by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diversely
conceived and reported. And hereof it came that Martinez entered so far within
the land, and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor; for it chanced that
while Ordas with his army rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the
first or second that attempted Guiana), by some negligence the whole store of
powder provided for the service was set on fire, and Martinez, having the
chief charge, was condemned by the General Ordas to be executed forthwith.
Martinez, being much favoured by the soldiers, had all the means possible
procured for his life; but it could not be obtained in other sort than this,
that he should be set into a canoa alone, without any victual, only with his
arms, and so turned loose into the great river. But it pleased God that the
canoa was carried down the stream, and certain of the Guianians met it the
same evening; and, having not at any time seen any Christian nor any man of
that colour, they carried Martinez into the land to be wondered at, and so
from town to town, until he came to the great city of Manoa, the seat and
residence of Inga the emperor. The emperor, after he had beheld him, knew him
to be a Christian, for it was not long before that his brethren Guascar and
Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru: and caused him to be
lodged in his palace, and well entertained. He lived seven months in Manoa,
but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. He was also brought
thither all the way blindfold, led by the Indians, until he came to the
entrance of Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen days in the passage. He
avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered
his face; and that he travelled all that day till night thorough the city,
and the next day from sun rising to sun setting, yere^16 he came to the
palace of Inga. After that Martinez had lived seven months in Manoa, and
began to understand the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he
desired to return into his own country, or would willingly abide with him.
But Martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to depart;
with whom he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque,
all loaden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to Martinez
at his departure. But when he was arrived near the river`s side, the
borderers which are called Orenoqueponi^17 robbed him and his Guianians of
all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at wars, which Inga had
not conquered) save only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled
with beads of gold curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had
been no other thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with which
Martinez had liberty to pass. And so in canoas he fell down from the river of
Orenoque to Trinidad, and from thence to Margarita, and so to St. Juan del
Puerto Rico; where, remaining a long time for passage into Spain, he died. In
the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life,
receiving the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered these
things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his calabazas or
gourds of the gold beads, which he gave to the church and friars, to be prayed
for.
[Footnote 16: Ere.]
[Footnote 17: `On the Orinoco.` Poni is a Carib postposition meaning `on.`]
This Martinez was he that christened the city of Manoa by the name of El
Dorado, and, as Berreo informed me, upon this occasion, those Guianians, and
also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen, are
marvellous great drunkards; in which vice I think no nation can compare with
them; and at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouseth with
his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus. All those that
pledge him are first stripped naked and their bodies anointed all over with a
kind of white balsamum (by them called curca), of which there is great plenty,
and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of all other the most precious,
whereof we have had good experience. When they are anointed all over, certain
servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it
thorough hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from
the foot to the head; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties and
hundreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together.^18
The same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spain which was
intercepted, which Master Robert Dudley told me he had seen. Upon this sight,
and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in
their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they use in the
wars, he called it El Dorado.
[Footnote 18: The substance of this report is in the end of the `Navigation of
the Great River of Maranon,` written by Gonzalo Fernando de Oviedo to Cardinal
Bembo (Ramusio, vol. iii. fol. 416). (Note by Hakluyt.)]
After the death of Ordas and Martinez, and after Orellana, who was
employed by Gonzalo Pizarro, one Pedro de Orsua, a knight of Navarre,
attempted Guiana, taking his way into Peru, and built his brigandines upon a
river called Oia, which riseth to the southward of Quito, and is very great.
This river falleth into Amazons, by which Orsua with his companies descended,
and came out of that province which is called Motilones;^19 and it seemeth to
me that this empire is reserved for her Majesty and the English nation, by
reason of the hard success which all these and other Spaniards found in
attempting the same, whereof I will speak briefly, though impertinent in some
sort to my purpose. This Pedro de Orsua had among his troops a Biscayan called
Aguirre, a man meanly born, who bare no other office than a sergeant or
alferez:^20 but after certain months, when the soldiers were grieved with
travels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the
branches or body of Amazons, this Aguirre raised a mutiny, of which he made
himself the head, and so prevailed as he put Orsua to the sword and all his
followers, taking on him the whole charge and commandment, with a purpose not
only to make himself emperor of Guiana, but also of Peru and of all that side
of the West Indies. He had of his party 700 soldiers, and of those many
promised to draw in other captains and companies, to deliver up towns and
forts in Peru; but neither finding by the said river any passage into Guiana,
nor any possibility to return towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that
the descent of the river made so great a current, he was enforced to
disemboque at the mouth of the said Amazons, which cannot be less than 1,000
leagues from the place where they embarked. From thence he coasted the land
till he arrived at Margarita to the north of Mompatar, which is at this day
called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Juan de Villa Andreda,
Governor of Margarita, who was father to Don Juan Sarmiento, Governor of
Margarita when Sir John Burgh landed there and attempted the island. Aguirre
put to the sword all other in the island that refused to be of his party, and
took with him certain cimarrones^21 and other desperate companions. From
thence he went to Cumana and there slew the governor, and dealt in all as at
Margarita. He spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the province of Venezuela
and of Rio de la Hacha; and, as I remember, it was the same year that Sir John
Hawkins sailed to St. Juan de Ullua in the Jesus of Lubeck;^22 for himself
told me that he met with such a one upon the coast, that rebelled, and had
sailed down all the river of Amazons. Aguirre from thence landed about Santa
Marta and sacked it also, putting to death so many as refused to be his
followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Reyno de Granada and to sack Pamplona,
Merida, Lagrita, Tunja, and the rest of the cities of Nuevo Reyno, and from
thence again to enter Peru; but in a fight in the said Nuevo Reyno he was
overthrown, and, finding no way to escape, he first put to the sword his own
children, foretelling them that they should not live to be defamed or
upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed them the
children of a traitor or tyrant; and that, sithence he could not make them
princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach. These were the
ends and tragedies of Ordas, Martinez, Orellana, Orsua, and Aguirre. Also soon
after Ordas followed Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa, with 130 soldiers; who
failing his entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria,
and peopled about S. Miguel de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de
Silva, a Portuguese of the family of Ruy Gomez de Silva, and by the favour
which Ruy Gomes had with the king he was set out. But he also shot wide of the
mark; for being departed from Spain with his fleet, he entered by Maranon or
Amazons, where by the nations of the river and by the Amazons, he was utterly
overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated; only seven escaped, and of
those but two returned.
[Footnote 19: `Friars` (Indians so named from their cropped heads).]
[Footnote 20: Al-faris (Arab.), horseman, mounted officer.]
[Footnote 21: Fugitive slaves.]
[Footnote 22: 1567-68.]
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